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Showing posts 1 - 30 of 732. View more »

“Using ‘Inter-Ethnic Marriages’ to ‘Fight Splittism’ is Essentially A Continuation of Colonialism”

posted Apr 5, 2015, 7:30 AM by The Tibetan Political Review

By Woeser 

2015 03 25 Using Inter Ethnic Marriages 1

The website China Tibet News reported on June 19, 2014: “The symposium for inter-ethnic marriages hosted by Chen Quanguo promotes ethnic unity using inter-ethnic marriage as an important starting point”. 

 “Inter-ethnic marriages are a strong security in Tibet’s battle against splittism, we (…) should actively encourage inter-ethnic marriages, and (…) formulate preferential policies.” This is what the Secretary of the TAR Party Committee, Chen Quanquo, said at a “Symposium for Inter-Ethnic Marriages” in 2014; after appearing in China’s official media, it triggered a storm of protests and was ridiculed with the slogan, “Intermarriages against splittism”.

2015 03 25 Using Inter Ethnic Marriages 2

A photo from “Dana Sakura” showing a Japanese police officer and his indigenous Taiwanese wife and their children. 

This world has already become openly opposed to any forms of colonialism, even Xi Jinping has had to explain that what China is doing in Africa is not “neo-colonialism”, but “a step towards peaceful development characterised by mutual benefits.” Chen Quanguo’s words about inter-ethnic marriages as a way to fight splittism, on the other hand, exude all the blood-reeking and cruel platitudes that countless colonialists have used in history.

For example, the Japanese, the most hated enemy of many Chinese, who invaded and colonised numerous countries in Asia used various measures, including “intermarriage” or “special education”, to assimilate indigenous populations. This is, for example, shown in the Taiwanese film “Seediq Bale” that is believed to be “the greatest epic of Taiwanese indigenous people”; other historical records are even more concrete, writings: When Japan first colonised Taiwan, they drew up a “Five Year Plan” in which they stipulated that any police stationed among indigenous Taiwanese groups would be awarded when marrying the daughter of local leaders. “Through marriage, resistance against Japan can be eliminated, and by ‘manipulating the indigenous women’, information from within the group can be obtained, which ultimately serves the goal of controlling them.” This kind of marriage was called “He Fan” (uniting with the foreign), helping the Japanese to complete their mission of “giving amnesty to” and “edifying” the colonised.

If we look back at human history, we clearly see that the old-school colonisers like Spain, Portugal, England, France etc. all encouraged intermarriages between colonisers and the colonised when they arrived in their respective colonies, whether in the Americas or Australia. They believed this to be a simple and effective way to assimilate local people and thereby more easily governed. The author of the American “Declaration of Independence”, the third President Thomas Jefferson, believed that intermarriage and other ways of amalgamation had fundamentally altered the physiological structures of Indian Americans; it began by “civilising” them, gradually and eventually extinguishing all differences between the “barbarians” and the “civilised” people; these methods clearly reflected the feeling of superiority of the colonisers and were acts of racial discrimination; in fact, they rationalised the indiscriminate plundering of indigenous people’s resources and land. 

2015 03 25 Using Inter Ethnic Marriages 3

Zhao Erfeng – “Butcher Zhao” – who issued the “Han-Barbarian Intermarriage Order”.

In Chinese culture, one sentence has been deeply engraved in our history books for 2000 years: “Those who are not from our group will surely be different”. Hence, “minor differences are assimilated, moderate differences evoke alertness, major differences are attacked; differences threaten us and will inevitably be destroyed!” It means that many of those who were “different” were either “assimilated”, once and for all amalgamated and integrated, or they were “attacked”, which means they were “destroyed”. This process, to use the rhetoric of the CCP, used to be called “liberation” and is now called “stabilisation” or “anti-splittism”.

Using “intermarriage” for “ethnic assimilation” has been common in the history of Tibet. It has been highly praised by Party officials and attributed by a large group of nationalists to “the first minister governing Tibet during the late Qing”, the “so-called high officer of the border province”, Zhao Erfeng, who Tibetans call “Butcher Zhao”. He implemented the so-called system of Liuguan that replaced former Tusi as the governors of ethnic groups; it included a series of “policies of assimilation” that resulted in the murdering of countless Tibetans in different areas, the forced resettlement of local people, and a number of preferential policies encouraging Han-Tibetan intermarriages as a means to foster “assimilation” and “integration”. It even included a special “Han-Barbarian Intermarriage Order” that encouraged Han officials and soldiers to marry local Tibetan women; it stipulated that “Each couple is given 10 litres of highland barley each month; couples raising children are given 10 litres per person per month. Those joining the army and cultivating savage land, will be entitled to keep this land and after three years, be exempt from paying an official grain quota to the government” etc.

In today’s 21st century, the CCP officials governing Tibet propagate publicly that “with regards to schooling, employment, joining the Party, joining the army, obtaining support for business start-ups or innovation, respective policies are geared towards effectively mobilising inter-ethnic marriages”. It is obvious that this is a direct imitation of Butcher Zhao’s ideas. Of course, in order to realise “inter-ethnic marriage”, the migration of other ethnic groups is required. For the most part, the policies exist to encourage Han Chinese to migrate to Tibet so as to dilute and trivialise ethnic problems and tensions. Marriage should really be a natural “I like you, you like me” matter; but now it is used by those in power, it is forcefully encouraged and enticed by means of various “special policies”. I have even heard of certain work-units in Lhasa offering a reward to people who engage in “ethnic intermarriage”. The long-term consequences of this will certainly be profound.

I really admire the Party officials who expose their colonial intentions in such a shameless way, not even officials during Maoist times, let alone Mao himself, would have been so self-destructive; Mao was happily promoting the romantic image and Communist ideals of “one humanity” with “no differentiations”; he did not rear the ugly head of colonialism by trying to assimilate “barbarians” through “intermarriage”.

Then again, it must be tough for this Party. It has been occupying Tibet for over half a century but still has not fully solved the Tibetan question and so all it can do is revert to the old rhetoric of feudalism, fall back on the methods of the old school colonialists and approach difference by “assimilation”, “alertness”, and “attack”. They use “intermarriage” to transform Tibetan people’s language, customs, religion and social structure and make them fit the Chinese world view, thus creating that one single “price tag” that Party Secretary Chen propagated at the above-mentioned symposium. 


Republished with permission from "High Peaks Pure Earth"

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posted Mar 24, 2015, 8:43 PM by The Tibetan Political Review   [ updated Mar 24, 2015, 8:52 PM ]

By Warren W. Smith, Jr. Ph.D. 

          The Dalai Lama and the Tibetan Government in Exile’s Middle Way policy was officially announced at the European Parliament in Strasbourg in 1988. However, its origins are to be found farther back in the history of Sino-Tibetan relations.
[1]  The announcement of the Middle Way policy in 1988 caused consternation among many Tibetans, who imagined that the Tibetan cause was still about independence, even though they were well aware that Tibetan envoys had negotiated with China in the early 1980s on the basis of an autonomous status for Tibet within the PRC. Many foreign supporters of Tibet and the international community in general were more welcoming of the Strasbourg Proposal because of its seemingly pragmatic character. The conciliatory nature of the proposal was in fact cited in the award of the Nobel Peace Prize to the Dalai Lama in 1989, which confirmed the wisdom of the policy for many of its proponents. The distress and demoralization experienced by many Tibetans was temporarily overshadowed by the international acclaim received by the Dalai Lama and the increased attention to the Tibet issue due to the Nobel Prize. Nevertheless, the Strasbourg Proposal and the Middle Way created a division in Tibetan society that has only widened as the policy has failed to produce any resolution with China. Tibetan society is now deeply divided between those who maintain that Tibet should hold out for independence and those who follow the Dalai Lama’s policy that Tibet must accept a status of autonomy within the PRC.

          As a non-Tibetan I feel that this is a debate in which only Tibetans have any right to take a position.  Nevertheless, I have argued elsewhere[2] that China will never allow any “genuine autonomy” in Tibet of the type sufficient to preserve Tibetan cultural or national identity, which is what the Middle Way is all about.  Current Chinese policy in Tibet is apparently aimed at the elimination of Tibetan national identity because of the separatist threat it poses.  Chinese leaders seem to have determined that the most fundamental aspects of Tibetan culture must be eliminated, or assimilated to Chinese culture, in order to repress Tibetan national identity.  Ultimately, China believes that it has no need to negotiate with Tibetan exiles because it already has the solution to the Tibetan problem by means of political repression, economic development, colonization and assimilation.  Many Chinese seem to believe that the demise of the Tibetan political issue will be simultaneous with that of the 14th Dalai Lama.  

          The debate among Tibetans may thus have little ultimate consequence if Chinese policy remains so intolerant of Tibetan aspirations and so relentlessly aimed at assimilation.  The independence advocates maintain that in this eventuality their position would at least preserve the historical claim to Tibet’s independence and national identity that the Middle Way would forever abandon.  Despite its possible irrelevance to Tibet’s actual future, the debate between the two sides in Tibetan politics has become increasingly virulent and the TGiE has become increasingly less tolerant of criticism of its policy.  The Dalai Lama’s age has seemingly increased his desire to achieve some success for his policy before he departs the scene.  Despite his declaration of intention to withdraw from politics, he has recently played an even larger role in the promotion of the Middle Way.  His subordinates have gone further in attempting to impose conformity to the policy among Tibetans in exile and to ostracize critics.

          For many Tibetans who went into exile or who were born in exile, the Strasbourg Proposal was regarded as a betrayal of what they thought was their legitimate goal of Tibetan independence.  However, the Strasbourg Proposal merely made official what was already TGiE policy.  In response to questions about the origins of the Middle Way policy, the Dalai Lama eventually dated its inspiration to the year 1973.  He did not specify why he chose that date but it was presumably because that was when the US and China reestablished relations and the US abandoned its covert support for the Tibetan Resistance.  However, the policy could as easily be said to date to 1959, when Gyalo Thondup was obliged to abandon the claim to independence in the Tibetan appeal to the United Nations due to the lack of American or international support.  It could even be said to be inherent in the 17-Point Agreement whose provisions ostensibly perpetuated much of Tibet’s traditional autonomy.  The most fundamental difference was that Tibet had to formally acknowledge Chinese sovereignty.

          Ultimately, the origins of the Middle Way are to be found in Tibet’s concept of its traditional relationship with China, or actually with Mongol Yuan (1260-1358) and Manchu Qing (1642-1912) dynasties of China. This relationship was formalized by the Tibetan side as Cho-Yon, in which Cho is Tibetan Buddhism and Yon is the political patron of the Tibetan Buddhist establishment in its role as the political authority in Tibet. The Cho-Yon relationship was established by Sakya Pandita and his nephew Phagspa as a means to forestall a Mongol invasion of Tibet in the mid-thirteenth century. Sakya Pandita’s goal was also to promote the authority of his own sect within Tibet by means of Mongol patronage and to promote Buddhism further abroad among the Mongols and their subjects. Tibetan Buddhism thereby gained Mongol patronage while the Mongol Khans gained Tibetan spiritual legitimization as chakravartins, or universal Buddhist kings. Sakya Pandita’s nephew Phagspa, who formalized the Cho-Yon system under Khubilai, declared Khubilai an incarnation of Manjushri.

          Contrary to modern Tibetan claims that this system was unique, or sui generis, this sort of relationship was not unique to Tibet within the Mongol Empire. The Mongols favored religious practitioners of all types in all the countries they conquered. This was due not only to their interest in all manifestations of religion, and, no doubt, to their fear of the supernatural, but also to a policy of using local religious authorities to impose and legitimate Mongol rule. Patronage of religious authorities could be manipulated to defuse discontent among subject populations while at the same time preventing the rise of any secular authority around which resistance might coalesce.[3]

          The Cho-Yon, as elaborated by Phagspa, was a theory of universal empire of both spiritual and secular realms, which were regarded as equal, as were the rulers of each. The relationship was conceived as personal, between equal representatives of complimentary realms, or as the Mongols were more likely to have interpreted it, between lord and distinguished subject. Phagspa’s theory was dependent upon the extraordinary personal relationship between himself and Kubilai. It was not a theory or a practice at this time of state to state relations, despite later Tibetan attempts to interpret it as such. During the era of Phagspa and Khubilai, the idealized Cho-Yon relationship may have been realized to some extent, but, dependent as it was upon personal relationships, the idealized form of the relationship lasted only so long as did Phagspa and Khubilai themselves. Phagspa’s theory of the Cho-Yon was extremely sophisticated in its understanding of the cultural and political needs of the Mongols, but extremely naïve in anticipating political implications for Tibet. A serious flaw of the Cho-Yon relationship was that it established the Buddhist church, with its inherent dependence upon foreign patronage, as the dominant political authority in Tibet. 

          Although the Cho-Yon relationship did not survive the era of Phagspa and Khubilai, except in theory, its effects on Tibetan politics were more permanent. Mongol patronage, not only of the Sakyapas, but of all Buddhist sects, was instrumental in establishing the political dominance of the Buddhist church in Tibet. Because the church was universalist rather than nationalist, Tibetan Buddhist sects had less reluctance than the aristocracy to accept foreign patronage. Sakya Pandita and Phagspa were more pragmatic than the secular aristocracy in accepting Tibet’s submission to the Mongols. Their primary interest was not the political status of Tibet but the propagation of Buddhism. Pagspa’s theories of the equality of the two sides in the Cho-Yon relationship obscured the Sakyapas’ political dependence upon foreign patrons and the implications of that dependence on Tibet’s political status.

          Phagspa achieved the potential of the relationship with the Mongol Khans envisioned by Sakya Pandita. The compromise with the Mongols also created some degree of political unity in Tibet under the Sakyapa. However, the Mongol Yuan dynasty established a political administration for Kham and Amdo separate from that of central Tibet that set the precedent for later Chinese divisions of Tibet along the same lines. The Manchu Qing dynasty was content with the nominal submission of the Fifth Dalai Lama in 1650, until the Dzungar Mongol invasion of 1720 and the Gurkha invasions of 1788-91, after each of which it imposed more direct administration.   

          The Tibetan relationship with China was almost exclusively through the Mongol and Manchu empires and dynasties, but these foreign conquest dynasties had a different conception of their relationships with frontier dependent states than did native Han Chinese dynasties, although there were also similarities. Both aimed to establish dependent states on their frontiers as the first step toward actual administration of those areas. However, Chinese dynasties differed in that they aimed at the ultimate annexation of frontier territories, achieved by colonization and cultural assimilation. While native Han dynasties allowed autonomous political entities to exist on their frontiers, at least temporarily, autonomy was never considered to be a permanent situation. Political incorporation and cultural assimilation was always the ultimate goal because only in that way could the frontier be made secure. That this process had no ultimate limit was consistent with the conception of universal Chinese rule. 

          The Later Han dynasty of the first two centuries of the modern era (25-220 AD) developed a system of dependent states (shu-kuo), ruled by native chieftains, known as Tu-shi, to govern areas created by Han expansion into the former territory of, among others, the frontier Chiang peoples, some of whom fled to the highlands of Tibet to become one of the progenitors of the Tibetans. The Tu-shi system was the first step in the ultimate goal of the establishment of Chinese political authority and assimilation to Chinese culture. A characteristic of the Chinese frontier feudalistic system was the award of official titles and seals of office to the indigenous rulers. These titles and seals were often employed by native rulers to legitimate their authority over their own people. Native rulers thus became dependent upon Chinese patronage. Although initially allowing a great deal of autonomy, the Tu-shi system aimed at the political and eventually cultural assimilation of barbarians through their elites. As Han colonization increased, native officials were replaced by appointed Han officials and finally the shu-kuo states were incorporated within the Chinese provincial system. This traditional strategy of Chinese expansion and assimilation was eventually applied to Tibet, particularly to Kham after the conquest of Chao Er-feng in the early twentieth century and even under the Chinese Communists, who gave honorific social and political positions to upper class secular and religious leaders during the 1950s under the United Front system, only to deprive them of all but symbolic authority as Chinese control increased.

          The Tibetan conception of Tibet’s traditional relations with China, as exemplified by the Middle Way proposal, is an idealized version of that relationship that differs in significant respects from the Chinese version. The Mongol and Manchu conquest dynasties of China treated Tibet, or at least Central Tibet, as something like a dependent state. However, native Han dynasties regarded Tibet not as a dependent state but as a frontier territory that had entered the traditional process of incorporation and assimilation. The vagueness of Tibet’s relationship with China, which allowed for differing interpretations, was a characteristic of the era of empires with indefinite boundaries and feudal-type relationships with surrounding states. However, the era of feudal relationships and autonomous dependent states ended with the industrial revolution and the development of modern political nationalism.

          The industrial revolution facilitated infrastructure development, like roads and railroads, that allowed formerly decentralized states to directly administer previously loosely controlled territories. Tibetan nationalism was aroused by the British invasion of 1904 and the Chinese invasion in response from 1905-1910. Chinese nationalism was characterized by the desire to throw off the alien Manchu rule while at the same time retaining all the territory of the former Manchu Empire.

          The British invasion of Tibet forced the Tibetans to reexamine their political status and their relationship with China. Tibet had previously sought Chinese protection and assistance when necessary, against the Gurkhas for instance, and denied any Chinese control when convenient, as when Tibet denied that China had the right to grant British trade relations with Tibet. When the British invaded Tibet, supposedly to secure those trade relations, the 13th Dalai Lama sought refuge in Mongolia and then in China. When the Chinese demanded greater control over Tibet, and invaded eastern Tibet and reached Lhasa, the Dalai Lama then sought refuge with the British in India. The British invasion forced the Dalai Lama to seek Chinese patronage against the British, but when the Chinese invaded he sought British patronage against the Chinese. The complimentary invasions by both the British and the Chinese forced the Tibetans to redefine their political status and stimulated the development of Tibetan national identity.

          Under British patronage the Dalai Lama was emboldened to declare Tibet’s independence of China and to take steps to defend that independence by creating a Tibetan Army. The influence of the Buddhist church was temporarily diminished, since it no longer had a powerful foreign patron, while that of the secular nationalist aristocracy increased under British patronage. Tibet successfully defended its independence against the Chinese in eastern Tibet and increased the territory under the administrative control of the Lhasa government. Only when the aristocracy attempted to establish a system of secular education did the monasteries react and move to force the Dalai Lama to curtail secular reforms. He was also forced to downplay the confrontation with China, leaving Tibet at his death in 1933 with a poorly defined political status. British policy toward Tibet was also unhelpful in defining Tibet’s status since Britain was willing to support only Tibetan autonomy under Chinese “suzerainty,” a term the last British resident in Tibet, Hugh Richardson, admitted was indefinable.

          After the death of the 13th Dalai Lama and during the minority of the14th, Tibet resisted Kuomintang Chinese attempts to force it to acknowledge Chinese sovereignty. In negotiations with China after the Dalai Lama’s death, Tibet was willing to acknowledge some Chinese influence but demanded a degree of autonomy much like what Tibetans considered traditional in relation to previous Chinese dynasties. However, the Chinese Nationalists were not content with the vague political relationships of the past, and the Chinese Communists even less so even though their nationalities doctrine professed otherwise. The Nationalists were unable to establish actual Chinese administration of Tibet, but the Communists were determined to do so.

          The 17-Point Agreement for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet imposed by the Chinese Communists, after their invasion of eastern Tibet, appeared to grant Tibet, or at least that part of Tibet under the Lhasa government’s administration, an autonomous status compatible with the Tibetan conception of Tibet’s traditional relations with China. The Agreement promised no changes in the political system of Tibet, including the status and powers of the Dalai Lama. Freedom of religion was guaranteed and monasteries were allowed to keep their traditional sources of income. This last promise was sufficient to secure the approval of the monasteries. Tibetan support for the 17-Point Agreement came primarily from the monastic establishment, while opposition came mostly from secular nationalists, mostly of the aristocratic class, including members of the Dalai Lama’s own family.

          The 17-Point Agreement was contradictory in promising no changes while at the same time speaking of certain reforms, which would be undertaken only if the Tibetans themselves were to raise demands for such reforms. While Tibetans imagined that the 17-Point Agreement guaranteed that nothing would change in Tibet, the Chinese planned that almost everything would change according to their program for “democratic reforms” and “socialist transformation.” The Chinese Communists had no intention of allowing the traditional Tibetan social or political system to continue to exist indefinitely. Tibetans had no idea that democratic reforms meant class warfare, or that socialist transformation meant communization, and they did not know that “national regional autonomy” actually meant total Chinese control. While the Middle Way is sometimes compared to the sort of autonomy China promised in the 17-Point Agreement, the Chinese never considered such autonomy as a permanent status for Tibet.  

          Mao once said that either Tibetans would reconcile themselves to Chinese rule or they would revolt. Either scenario, he said, would be favorable to China. Revolt would be embarrassing, even without the unanticipated escape of the Dalai Lama, but China would gain a free hand in Tibet without the need to even pretend to cooperate with an “autonomous” Tibetan government. After the revolt the Dalai Lama repudiated the 17-Point Agreement at Lhuntse Dzong on the Indian border, with the intended effect that this would reestablish Tibet’s rightful claim to independence. In India he expressed his intention to declare Tibetan independence, which the Indian Government advised against. According to a CIA eyewitness report, the Dalai Lama expressed his dissatisfaction with the advice he had been given by Indian Prime Minister Nehru to return to Tibet in 1956 and to try to work with the Chinese, saying that he and all Tibetans were now convinced that attempts to gain autonomy were useless, that Tibetans were fighting for complete freedom and independence, and that he was determined to struggle for this goal no matter how long it took regardless of the opinion of the Government of India.[4]

          This resolve lasted only until Gyalo Thondup presented Tibet’s case, with American support, to the United Nations in September 1959. The Tibetan appeal referred to Tibet’s previous 1950 appeal to the UN in regard to a violation of Tibetan independence by China, which had been shelved contingent upon the possibility of a peaceful resolution of Tibet’s status, which the 17-Point Agreement ostensibly was.  The Dalai Lama informed the UN that no peaceful resolution had been achieved, implying that the 17-Point Agreement had been coerced, and appealed again for a restoration of Tibet’s legitimate independence. However, the US, after discussing the issue with other UN delegations, determined that there was no support for a resolution on Tibet’s political status and instead advised the Tibetans to appeal only on the basis of the violation by China of Tibetan human rights.[5] Gyalo Thondup was reportedly distressed at this news, particularly at the lack of support from Asian countries, but had to reconcile himself to the realities of international politics. He was told that only on the basis of human rights issues would Tibet receive a hearing at the UN at all.

          From 1959 to 1973 the Tibetan exile position was theoretically that Tibet was deprived of its rightful independence, while realistically Dharamsala knew that it had little international support for that position. Hopes lay with American support, particularly through the CIA for the Tibetan Resistance operating out of the Mustang region of Nepal. However, by 1968 that support had dwindled to almost nothing due to CIA dissatisfaction with the inability of the resistance to operate inside Tibet. Tibetan hopes remained for US support for Tibetan independence until the US rapprochement with China in 1973, which is presumably why the Dalai Lama later dated the origins of the Middle Way to that year. However, the choice of this date seems to have been made only in retrospect, since some statements by the Dalai Lama after that time implied that independence was still the goal. No announcement of an official change in policy was made to the Tibetans in exile, with the result that they were surprised by the Strasbourg Proposal in 1987. Even though Tibetan delegations negotiated on the basis of autonomy in the early 1980s, the popular belief among Tibetans in exile was that they were still striving for the restoration of Tibetan independence.   

          The Tibetan delegation visits and negotiations of the early 1980s were initiated by a meeting between Gyalo Thondup and Deng Xiaoping in December 1978 in which Deng reportedly said that “anything but independence can be discussed.” This was interpreted by the Tibetan side to mean that Tibet’s political status up to but not including independence was open to discussion; that is, that the terms of Tibetan autonomy could be negotiated. However, in actual negotiations the Chinese were unwilling to discuss Tibetan proposals in regard to Tibet’s autonomous rights within the PRC. This leads to the conclusion that what Deng actually meant by his use of the word “independence” was the entire issue of Tibet’s political status as a part of China. Presumably, Deng used “independence” as shorthand for the political issue, given that the essence of that issue is Tibet’s claim to have formerly been independent of China. Whatever the interpretation, the dialogue went nowhere, but the Tibetan exile representatives did negotiate with China on the basis of an autonomous status for Tibet within the PRC.  

          The Dalai Lama’s 1988 Strasbourg Proposal was meant to revive negotiations by formally accepting Deng Xiaoping’s condition that he “give up the idea of Tibetan independence.” It was the first official acknowledgment that he would accept the reality of Chinese sovereignty over Tibet in exchange for well-defined autonomous rights. It elaborated some of the conditions proposed by Tibetan negotiators in the early 1980s and was again based upon the “one country, two systems” status that China had offered to Hong Kong and Taiwan. It also attempted a legal definition of Tibet’s autonomous status within the PRC. Tibet’s status in relation to China was defined as one of “association,” with Tibet having a democratic political system and some international legal identity and international rights. The Strasbourg Proposal and the Middle Way policy were based upon the Tibetan contention that Tibet had been independent before 1950 and might be independent again, to be decided by a referendum of the Tibetan people. The Dalai Lama’s acceptance of Chinese sovereignty over Tibet thus appeared to the Chinese to be temporary and conditional and failed to satisfy their demand that he give up the “idea of independence,” past, present and future.

          The status of “association” meant to define Tibet’s relations with China was proposed by the Dalai Lama’s Dutch legal adviser, Michael van Walt, in his book, The Status of Tibet,[6] which was, essentially, a legal brief commissioned by Dharamsala. The  “associative status” argument is based upon the 1960 United Nations Resolution1514, “Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples,” and the accompanying Resolution 1541, which set out the means by which a non-self-governing territory might reach a full measure of self-government, including independence, free association, or integration with another state. Application of this UN resolution to Tibet would require that Tibet be defined as a non-self-governing or colonial territory, which the PRC would of course never admit. The status of “free association” was claimed to be the means by which Tibet might achieve self-determination, if a majority of Tibetans voted to accept an autonomous status within the PRC. However, the flaw in this argument is that self-determination is not a one-time choice; self-determination implies that a population might choose a different status at any time. Tibetans’ acceptance of autonomy by referendum at one time does not mean that they could not choose independence at another time.

          The Strasbourg Proposal may represent an overestimation by Tibetans of their leverage at the time, given international pressure and the unrest within Tibet, combined with the ostensible Tibetan acceptance of Deng Xiaoping’s conditions for a resolution of the Tibet issue. The status of free association was described by Van Walt as similar to the protectorate relationship, but different in that the associated state would have the unilateral power to alter the association at any time by exercise of a democratic choice. Associative status was therefore claimed to offer a pattern for the future for the transition to self-government of formerly dependent or colonial states. But he also claimed that the status was particularly appropriate to Tibet’s situation since it “bears significant similarities to the traditional Cho-Yon relationship.”[7] This assertion reveals the archaic rather than progressive nature of the Strasbourg Proposal as well as the Middle Way policy.

          By means of Van Walt’s legal arguments, Dharamsala appeared to be attempting to undo its acceptance of the 17-Point Agreement and to return to a traditional relationship with China of an earlier political era. However, despite the attempts to characterize this sort of relationship as modern and progressive, rather than archaic, the era of empires and dependent states had long ago given way to the modern era of national states that exercise uniform sovereignty and administration over all their territory. Despite Van Walt’s attempt to characterize autonomous “associative” status as relevant to the modern world and as the solution to other issues of disputed sovereignty, the world was moving in the opposite direction, toward resolution of such disputes by means of independence, gained usually after violent conflict, or total absorption and integration by the dominant state.

          Needless to say, the Strasbourg Proposal and the Middle Way policy have not resulted in a resolution of the Tibet issue. China has instead resorted to its own traditional policy for the resolution of frontier issues by means of colonization and assimilation. China engaged in two series of “dialogues” with Tibetan representatives, who it characterized as personal representatives of the Dalai Lama, in which it refused to talk about any issues except the personal status of the Dalai Lama. China is now apparently uninterested in any more dialogue; its policy appears to be to await the demise of the Fourteenth Dalai Lama, which many Chinese leaders seem to think will resolve the issue once and for all in China’s favor. China has scornfully and repeatedly rejected the Middle Way as the basis for dialogue and it has further curtailed autonomy in Tibet after the uprising of 2008 demonstrated the persistence of Tibetan national identity and dissatisfaction with Chinese rule.

          The Middle Way having apparently been rejected by Beijing with finality, its only lasting effect is a tragic division among Tibetans. That division was once just a difference of opinion but has increasingly become an attempt by one side to silence the other. Some Middle Way supporters seem to think that they must follow the Dalai Lama and that to oppose him is equivalent to disloyalty or even treason against the Tibetan cause. This type of loyalist Tibetan fails to make the distinction between the incarnate deity and the nation he represents. Others maintain that China would dialogue with exile representatives and perhaps accept the suggestions of the Middle Way policy if only they could believe that all Tibetans in exile had truly given up independence. Chinese officials may be suspected of having suggested as much in talks with Tibetan exile representatives.  Or perhaps they had no need to do so, since Tibetans in exile might logically assume that China would negotiate if it believed that Tibetans had given up independence. Samdhong Rinpoche has led the effort to silence critics of the Middle Way policy, first by suggesting that Tibetans not demonstrate against Chinese leaders on their foreign visits, then by organizing seminars on the Middle Way in Tibetan settlements that include the suggestion that opposition to the policy is equivalent to opposition to the Dalai Lama himself.  

          Proponents of the Middle Way see it as the only reasonable choice and also as acceptable to China because it is, for the most part, in compliance with the Chinese Constitution and the Regional Ethnic Autonomy Law (formerly National Regional Autonomy Law). It differs only in demanding more, or “genuine,” autonomy over a unified Tibetan nationality territory. However, the demand for “genuine” autonomy implies that the autonomy Tibetans now supposedly enjoy is not genuine. A unification of all Tibetan autonomous regions and districts into one Greater Tibetan Autonomous Region also seems reasonable since all the territories involved are already designated as autonomous Tibetan (or combined Tibetan/Mongol or Tibetan/Kazakh) territories. However, the PRC divided Tibetan autonomous territories based upon historical justifications dating from the divisions of Tibet by the Mongol Yuan dynasty, even though historical divisions were theoretically not supposed to be taken into account. Autonomous regions were supposed to be based upon “contiguous occupation” by the minority nationality in question, which would make all Tibetan areas part of one autonomous region, except that political reasons were the real justification for the divisions.

          The Memorandum on Tibetan Autonomy submitted to Chinese officials in 2008 is indeed reasonable assuming that China actually wants to allow Tibetan autonomy and to permit Tibetan culture and Tibetan national identity to survive. However, it is increasingly apparent that this is not what China wants. The Chinese Communists in the early 1950s imagined that Tibetan separatism would last only for a short time after Tibet’s “peaceful liberation.” However, they underestimated the strength of Tibetan culture and they overestimated the efficacy of CCP nationality policies. They have been continually surprised at the persistence of Tibetan culture and Tibetan resistance to Chinese rule, most recently during the liberalization era of the 1980s. And they are perpetually angered and irritated that Tibet has remained an international issue. They deny that there is really any discontent among Tibetans and imagine that international support for Tibet is nothing but Western interference aimed at denigrating China and preventing its legitimate rise to a position of leadership in world affairs. They are aware that Tibetan culture is the basis for Tibetan separatism, so they are unsympathetic to demands for any increased or “genuine” Tibetan autonomy. Tibetan national identity and Tibetan nationalism are thus what China is determined to eradicate, not perpetuate.

          Middle Way proponents typically fail to understand China’s motives in regard to Tibet as they characterize the Middle Way as beneficial to both Tibetans and Chinese due to its potential to promote harmony. However, ethnic harmony is not so much a Chinese priority as is national unity, territorial integrity and the elimination of Tibetan separatism. In any case, what China means by “harmony” is enforced conformity and suppression of dissent. Tibetans also tend to dismiss as propaganda or even as “negotiating tactics” all of China’s denunciations of the Dalai Lama, its refusal to negotiate about Tibetan autonomy and its rejection of the Middle Way. They do not understand that for the Chinese Communists propaganda is actual policy. They fail to realize that international pressure is no longer sufficient to move China on Tibet or any other issue, if it ever was. The Middle Way policy has been successful in gaining international support for dialogue about Tibet and its proponents are therefore reluctant to give up that support despite the lack of any progress with China.

          Some of those who oppose the Middle Way do so because they realize that China will never negotiate on that basis since it has no intention of allowing any “genuine” Tibetan autonomy. Their promotion of Tibetan independence, or Rangzen, may be unrealistic, but they maintain that it is less unrealistic than the illusion that China will ever allow Tibetan autonomy sufficient for the survival of Tibetan national identity. The difference between the two sides among Tibetans often comes down, as it always has to a large extent, to their relative religiosity and loyalty to their spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama. As was the case during the debate over accepting or rejecting the 17-Point Agreement, the religious establishment and the more religious among the population has preferred compromise with China even at the expense of Tibetan independence, while the more secular nationalists have preferred a policy of no compromise on the fundamental issue of independence.

          Tibetan history is replete with examples of the anti-nationalist, universalist interests of the Buddhist establishment in contrast to the more nationalist interests of the secular aristocracy. The Tibetan Empire, the only era of a unified and independent Tibet, was the creation of a secular aristocracy, united for the first time by the kings of Yarlung. The Empire was sustained by the Bon religion, not by Buddhism, which overcame Bon in influence only during the latter part of the Empire. However, Buddhism may well be responsible for its demise. Modern research by Samten Karmay has revealed that Lang Dharma, characterized in Tibetan Buddhist history as a persecutor of Buddhism, was actually only trying to curtail the excess privileges granted to the clergy by his predecessor, and brother, Ralpachen.[8] The Tibetan Empire, then, may well have been brought down by a reaction from Buddhist monks denied the privileges to which they had become accustomed. With the collapse of the Empire came the collapse of organized Buddhism as well, given that the clergy had also benefitted from the patronage of a centralized state.

          Tibet was unified again only four hundred years later, when Sakya Pandita submitted to the Mongols. Submission may have been the only alternative to an all-out Mongol invasion, but Sakya Pandita and his nephew Phagspa willingly sacrificed Tibetan independence for the sake of Buddhism. They were primarily interested in promoting Buddhism to the Mongols and Chinese and they were amazingly successful in doing so, but they forever compromised Tibetan independence. The Fifth Dalai Lama established the political supremacy of the Buddhist Church only with the foreign military patronage of Gushri Khan, who was declared “King of Tibet.” For the subsequent two and a half centuries of the Manchu Yuan dynasty of China, the religious establishment was far more willing to accept Manchu patronage, and generous gifts to monasteries, than was the secular aristocracy, which made some attempts to maintain Tibetan autonomy, if not independence, in relation to the Manchu.

          The Thirteenth Dalai Lama took advantage of the collapse of the Manchu Yuan Dynasty to declare Tibetan independence, but he did so only with British political patronage and British support for secular reforms, like creation of an army and establishment of a more representative political system. His secular reforms were fatally compromised by the opposition of the monasteries, which had long prospered under Chinese patronage and were more interested in the opportunities for the promotion of Buddhism in China than in Tibetan independence. Secular reforms, including the creation of an army and secular governmental institutions, were a direct threat to their control over culture and polity in Tibet. After the Chinese invasion of 1950, it was the religious establishment that favored accepting the 17-Point Agreement while several of the secular nationalist aristocracy opposed it.

          Despite his previous experience that Tibetan autonomy under China was not possible, the Dalai Lama has become the foremost proponent of compromise with China. He, like Tibetan lamas before him since Sakya Pandita and Phagspa, seems more interested in the promotion of Buddhism than Tibetan nationalism. The Buddhist doctrine is in its essence universalist and anti-nationalist. Buddhism has no national identity or national boundaries; its goal is human enlightenment rather than the more narrowly constricted goal of national political independence. The Dalai Lama has said that Tibetan “happiness” is the ultimate goal and that he would accept autonomy under China if that were achieved. He has often said that Tibetans could benefit economically by being part of a prosperous Chinese state. He has said that all Tibetans, himself included, would prefer independence, but that independence is an unrealistic goal. This of course implies that he thinks autonomy is not an unrealistic goal, which means that he does not understand why China rejects “genuine” Tibetan autonomy of the type he proposes. It also implies his lack of understanding of the need for an independent state within which to exercise genuine Tibetan human rights, especially the most fundamental right of national self-determination.

          The Dalai Lama has repeatedly said that more and more Chinese are supporting Tibet and that many are becoming Buddhists, which he apparently assumes to mean that they would be more sympathetic to Tibet. As for Chinese support for Tibet, the TGiE has researchers constantly looking through Chinese websites for any positive comments about Tibet and they report all such evidence to the Dalai Lama, who has cited ever increasing numbers of such expressions of support. However, this is an exercise in self-deception. In fact, since 2008 Chinese society has become more anti-Tibetan than ever before. The Chinese reaction to the uprising and the protests against the International Olympic Torch Relay was one of the main sources of a new Chinese anti-Tibetan, anti-Western nationalism. Many Chinese regarded the uprising in Tibet as an attempt, supported by anti-China foreigners, to denigrate China just as it was trying to present its new face to the world via the Beijing Olympics.  

          Supporters of the Middle Way point out its reasonableness and its compatibility with already existing Chinese law and argue that China will eventually see its advantages. However, China has failed to see its advantages for quite some time since it was formally proposed in 1988. And, since the Middle Way’s origins lie farther back in Tibetan history and Sino-Tibetan relations, particularly in the 17-Point Agreement, China may think that it has already tried such an arrangement and that it failed because of Tibetan resistance. In fact, China was never sincere about the promises of autonomy to Tibet contained in that agreement, but it did learn that Tibetan resistance was more persistent than it imagined, a lesson it had to relearn during the period of liberalization in the 1980s. The persistence of Tibetan nationalism and separatism is the reason that China now fears to allow any real autonomy at all and why it sees no advantage in negotiating with the Dalai Lama about allowing even more autonomy in Tibet.

          The Dalai Lama’s Middle Way Policy is essentially a proposal by Tibetans in exile to reverse history and return to an earlier era when China’s authority over Tibet was mainly symbolic. The Middle Way is an attempt to restore a sort of Tibetan autonomy that was already an anachronism in 1950 when China was finally able to substantiate its historical claim to sovereignty over Tibet. It proposes a return to a type of political relationship between China and Tibet that existed only in a previous era. Tibetan autonomy existed only because the Mongol and Manchu empires did not have the ability to actually control and administer Tibet, or the need to do so except in the case of threats from outside powers.  Modern China had more nationalistic ambitions to exercise actual sovereignty over Tibet and a greater ability to do so. Republican China was unable to achieve actual administrative control over Tibet, although it claimed to the world that it did. British support for Tibetan autonomy under Chinese “suzerainty” was an attempt to perpetuate a type of political relationship of an era that had already passed. The nationalist and anti-imperialist Chinese Communists were not about to allow any such vague status of a former imperial era to survive into the “New China” of their creation.   

          The Chinese Communists were determined to establish actual Chinese sovereignty and administration over Tibet and they had the means to do so with a veteran army and the absence of any outside power capable of opposing them. They promised a system of autonomy for Tibet almost equivalent to Tibet’s previous status of de facto independence. However, they considered Tibet’s “peaceful liberation” and its “return to the Motherland” as the achievement of China’s long-held ambition to exercise actual sovereignty over Tibet. What was promised in the Seventeen-Point Agreement for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet, and what the Middle Way would like to restore, was for the CCP only a temporary arrangement until actual military and political control could be established. For the Chinese Communists to allow Tibetan autonomy such as the Dalai Lama proposes, or even that they themselves once promised, would be contrary to what they have proclaimed as a natural and inevitable “merging of nationalities,” and a reversal of what they regard as one of their greatest accomplishments.

          The Chinese typically think of Tibet more as a territory than as a people with any rights to the land itself or to any of its resources. Current Chinese activities in Tibet are incompatible with any Tibetan rights to their own territory or their own natural resources. China’s policy is that all land and resources are the property of the Chinese state, which is a clear expression of China’s conquest mentality in regard to Tibet. China’s primary development efforts in Tibet are now devoted to mining and tourism. Both are essential aspects of China’s plan for Tibet’s economic development and its integration within the Chinese economy. Both have important assimilative purposes and effects.

          Tourism is aimed at turning Tibet into something like a theme park where Chinese can go to indulge their fantasies about primitive Tibetan society and where they can be entertained by Tibetans singing and dancing in gratitude for their liberation from their own backwardness. Theme parks and cultural performances are being developed in Lhasa where Chinese tourists can experience an unthreatening version of Tibetan culture and an altered version of Tibet history in which Tibet has “always” been a part of China. Fake Tibetan “model villages” are being built in lower areas of eastern Tibet like Nyingtri in Kongpo where Chinese tourists can live in Tibetan houses and be entertained by Tibetan singers and dancers. Tourist numbers reached almost 13 million in 2013 of whom 99 percent were Chinese. The perpetual presence of so many Chinese tourists in Lhasa significantly alters the population balance and cultural dynamic.

          Chinese mining in Tibet is also contradictory to any concept of Tibetan autonomous rights to their own natural resources as proposed by the Middle Way policy. Tibetans currently receive no economic benefits from Chinese mining activities, whether in jobs or profits, but they suffer all the negative environmental consequences. Chinese mining in Tibet is for the benefit of China, not Tibet. Contrary to the typical assumption that China has already extensively mined all the mineral resources of Tibet, mining on the scale necessary to exploit most mineral resources is only just getting underway due to the previous lack of infrastructure like roads, railroads and hydroelectric power. Mining, like tourism, increases the numbers of Chinese in Tibet and creates isolated enclaves of Chinese where large mines are located. Mining is particularly contrary to any Tibetan autonomous rights in regard to resources or exclusive Tibetan rights to inhabitation.

          There is no indication that China wishes to give up its full sovereignty in favor of Tibetan autonomy, or any logical reason that it should do so, especially when any such autonomy is contrary to China’s economic and political interests. China has no intention of abandoning its rights to exploit Tibet’s natural resources when mining on a large scale is finally becoming feasible. China has no intention of giving Tibetans the right to exclusive inhabitation of their own land when the Chinese regard Tibet as a relatively empty part of China open for Chinese colonization and exploitation. And China has no intention of allowing any autonomy in Tibet that would perpetuate a separate Tibetan culture and national identity and the consequent Tibetan separatist threat to China’s territorial integrity and national security.

          China’s response to the Middle Way, and specifically to the Memorandum on Tibetan Autonomy, leave little doubt that China has no intention of allowing any “genuine autonomy” of the type proposed. Given the lack of any positive Chinese response to the Middle Way proposals, the only question is how long will the Tibetans in exile maintain this position? The meetings that China has conducted with Tibetan exile representatives cannot be said to have been a genuine dialogue since the Chinese side refused to talk about Tibetan autonomy at all. Their invitation to the Tibetan side in July 2008 to explicate what they meant by “genuine” autonomy appears in retrospect to have been either a mistake by a junior official or a ploy to defuse international criticism and Tibetan protests just before the Olympics. The scorn and finality with which the Memorandum on Tibetan Autonomy was rejected after the Olympics left little hope for any further dialogue and, indeed, to this point there have been no further meetings.  

          The most recent series of meetings seem to have been little more than a delaying tactic by China, one that also served to persuade the world that China was open to dialogue and thus to satisfy foreign critics’ constant demands that it do so. China now seems to not care enough about foreign criticism to even make a pretense of willingness to dialogue. Chinese policy now appears to anticipate a time when the 14th Dalai Lama has departed and a 15th has been named by the CCP. This timing may also be the answer to the question about how long Tibetans will support the Middle Way policy. Presumably, only after the demise of the 14th Dalai Lama will a realistic reappraisal of the policy be possible. Much of the support for the policy at the present is based upon loyalty to the Dalai Lama, a condition that will be lessened with his departure. Even then, Tibetan loyalty to his legacy will be an important factor.

          There is a remote possibility that the Dalai Lama could renounce his own policy at the end of his life, given his realization that the Chinese would be less likely to negotiate after he is gone than before. But, to renounce the Middle Way would be to renounce much of his own legacy. However, he could, by renouncing his own failed policy, create a new legacy. He might rationalize that he had tried to be conciliatory, as in the 1950s, but now, as after the 1959 revolt, had decided that autonomy under China was impossible. He might then revive the claim for Tibetan independence. Certainly, this would be the best way to defy the Chinese expectation that his demise would be the end of the Tibet problem and it would also be the best way to provide a continued inspiration for Tibetans. The aspiration for independence may be all that Tibetans ever get, but, as the independence advocates have pointed out, it is the abandonment of that aspiration that is the most demoralizing aspect of the Middle Way. Only a repudiation of the policy by the Dalai Lama himself would heal the rift in Tibetan society caused by that policy. Tibetan independence may be unlikely, but the claim to rightful independence is essential for the preservation of Tibetan national identity. The claim of Tibetan independence in the past as well as the legitimate right of independence in the present is essential for the sake of a truthful and authentic Tibetan history as opposed to one rewritten and falsified by the Chinese.

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[1] In this paper I use Tibetan Government in Exile (TGiE) rather than Central Tibetan Administration (CTA) because the latter term has no meaning in relation to Tibet’s status within the People’s Republic of China (PRC), which is what the Middle Way is supposed to address. Central Tibetan Administration is a term adopted to refer to the administration of the Tibetan refugee settlements in India and was intentionally meant to exclude any claim to be a government in exile. This change was made reportedly in order to avoid offending India, or China, or both, but it did not change the character of the Dharamshala government, which remains for all intents and purposes a government in exile. I also use Middle Way rather than Middle Way Approach (MWA) because “Way” and “Approach” are essentially the same thing.

[2] China’s Tibet: Autonomy or Assimilation (Boulder, Rowman and Littlefield, 2008); Tibet’s Last Stand: The Tibetan Uprising of 2008 and China’s Response (Boulder, Rowman and Littlefield, 2010).

[3] Turrell Wylie wrote, “The exploitation of religious leaders at the expense of secular lords in order to subjugate foreign populations was a sociological pattern not unknown to the Mongols. Therefore, given the fragmented and dichotomous nature of Tibetan society at the time, it was logical that Prince Kotan would select a lama than a layman to surrender Tibet.” Turrell Wylie, “The First Mongol Conquest of Tibet Reinterpreted,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies (1977), 112.

[4] See Tibetan Nation, 460.

[5] See Tibetan Nation, 493.

[6] Michael van Walt van Praag, The Status of Tibet: History, Rights and Prospects in International Law, (Boulder: Westview Press, 1987).

[7] Van Walt, Status of Tibet, 202.

[8] Samten G. Karmay, “King Glang Dar-ma and his Rule” The Arrow and the Spindle, Studies in History, Myths, Rituals and Beliefs in Tibet, Vol II. (Mandala Publications, Kathmandu, 2005), 15.

Originally published in Trails of the Tibetan Tradition, a volume in honor of Professor Elliot Sperling

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Tibet on the Cards of History: Revisiting the Tibetan National Flag

posted Mar 22, 2015, 4:56 PM by The Tibetan Political Review   [ updated Mar 23, 2015, 5:17 PM ]

By Nick Gulotta and Dicky Yangzom

A number of publications on Tibet have created confusion regarding the historical status of the Tibetan national flag. Without qualification, these works assert that the flag was simply a "regimental banner” used by the Tibetan army and later promoted to the rank of a national flag by Tibetans in exile.[1] [2] This claim ignores a vast selection of scholarship, primary sources, and visual documentation to the contrary. These works also carelessly omit the fact that the flag was internationally recognized and even well known as the national flag of Tibet long before Tibetans came into exile.

The history and international recognition of the Tibetan flag has been well documented. As Tibetan writer Jamyang Norbu points out, before 1959, the flag was used to represent Tibet in international diplomatic affairs and was featured widely from an official British Crown publication in 1930 to National Geographic’s “Flags of the World” issue in 1934. [3] One previously unexplored example of the flag’s international popularity was its use on collectable trading cards. Beginning in the late 1920s, images of the Tibetan flag were widely published by companies in Europe, North America, South America, the Middle East, and Oceania in national flag trading card collections.

Throughout much of the 19th and 20th centuries, companies would include trading cards with their products. Intended to boost sales and brand loyalty, these cards were sold with cigarettes, chewing gum, tea, and virtually every type of product. Collecting trading cards was a favorite pastime for many and a trip to the store usually brought back some of these attractive, brightly colored cards. They were ubiquitous with pop culture—often featuring celebrities, famous events, national flags, and other encyclopedic themes. The demand for trading cards eventually surpassed the the demand for the products they accompanied resulting in the sale of trading cards by themselves. [4]

On Cigarette Cards

1) Abadie Zigarettenpapier Ltd.  1928. 2) Massary Zigarettenfabrik, 1929. 3) Bulgaria Zigarettenfabrik, 1933. 4) Tabakmonopol Danzig, 1933. 5) Monopol Zigarettenfabrik, 1936. 6) Kosmos Zigarettenbilder 1950, 7) Cento Tobacco Company, 1950. 8) Kane Products LTD., 1958. 9) Sweetule Products LTD., 1962.

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As early as 1928, Abadie Zigarettenpapier, an Austrian company circulated the Tibetan flag on their cigarette cards and until the early 1960s nearly a dozen German, Austrian, Dutch, and English tobacco companies also featured it on cigarette cards. For decades, these cards were included in virtually all packs of cigarettes and other tobacco products. Each card was printed in a themed series and was widely collected by the public with print-runs that ran into hundreds of millions. [5] Many companies also published albums that catalogued these cards and included a description of each country’s flag. The albums had titles such as “Flags of the World” and “Flags of Non-European Countries.”

Vlaggen Van Alle Landen, De Faam, Breda, Netherlands, 1952.

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On Chewing Gum, Chocolate, and Candy Cards

Following the success of cigarette cards, chocolate manufacturers also began issuing collectable cards. In 1938, Chocolat Meurisse, a Belgian company included a Tibetan flag with their collection, “The Costumes of Nations.” After World War II, which halted card production due to paper shortages, it became common for candy packets of all types to include trading cards that were often their selling point. [6] One Dutch peppermint company, De Faam, published a series of cards with an accompanying book titled “Flags of all Countries” in 1952.

1) Chocolat Meurisse, 1938. 2) Topps, 1950. 3) Baylan Pastaneleri, circa 1950. 4) De Famm, 1952. 5) Topps, 1963. 6) Topps, 1956. 7) Topps-designed card in Hebrew circa 1959. 8) Saiem, circa 1957.
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In 1950, 1956, and 1963, the popular American company Topps, printed three different Tibetan flag cards. Their 1956 “Flags of the World” card was used by a number of companies in Europe and the Middle East and translated into several languages. One example of the 1956 card can be seen above printed in Hebrew. Similarly, “Tibet” is spelled with a dotted “İ" from the Turkish alphabet on the above card from Baylan Pastry, a Turkish chocolate company. Other cards were also sold in coin-operated vending machines with gumballs such as the one printed by Saiem circa 1957 in France.

On Other Trading Cards

1) Eucalol, 1935. 2) Birkel, 1952. 3) Veen, 1954. 4) Agência Portuguesa de Revistas, 1957. 5) Sanitarium, 1959. 6) Gouda’s Roem, 1950. 7) Nannina, 1961. 8) Saiem, 1959. 9) Minepba,1961. 10) Golden Glow Sales Corp., 1963.

Click image to enlarge

Outside of Asia and Europe, the earliest example of the flag’s use was perhaps in 1935 by Eucalol, a popular Brazilian soap company. Eucalol enclosed flag cards with soap boxes of from their series “Flags of the world.” Similarly, in 1950, a Dutch food company, Gouda’s Roem, included Tibetan flag cards with with boxes of butter. Birkel, Germany’s principal noodle manufacturer in 1952 published a magazine titled “Countries and Flags” which included a card with the Tibetan flag before an image of the young Dalai Lama. In 1954, the Dutch publisher Veen, produced a collectable cards book titled “Flags and Postage,” which included a card with the Tibetan flag above a Tibetan government postage stamp. The Agency of Portuguese Magazines also included the flag in their 1957 educational magazine, “Flags of the Universe,” which contained removable trading cards. The same card was also featured by the Brazil-America Limited publishing house in their “Flags and Typical Costumes” magazine later that year. The New Zealand-based health foods company, Sanitarium, enclosed a Tibetan flag card from their 1959 “National Flags and Costumes” series with breakfast cereals. The flag also made several appearances in Greece on at least 3 different cards around this time. One such card can be seen above with “Tibet” spelled using the Greek letter “Θ” (theta). Several Dutch and German companies even featured the flag on collectable card-like matchbox labels.

Various Tibetan flag matchbox labels 1950-60.

Click image to enlarge

The flag appears to have been printed and reprinted up until China’s annexation of Tibet became well known around the world. In 1959 and 1961, Tibetan flag cards were published by two Italian companies, Sidam and Nannina. Nannina published an album titled “Flags and Costumes World” which included an image of Tibet’s historic borders. A later 1960’s edition of the Sidam card featured the “Occupation of Tibet” in place of its country card. The American Golden Glow Sales Corporation published an educational magazine in 1963 titled “Our Wonderful World of Wonderful People,” which included a Tibetan flag card. The back of the card reads, “it is presently under Chinese Communist domination. A recent revolt forced the recognized and sovereign religious leader of Tibet, the Grand Lama, to seek refuge in neighboring India.”

The National Flag of Tibet

The circulation of these trading cards show that there was a vast international recognition of the Tibetan flag. Although reflecting the orientalist and romantic aura that is often built around Tibet, these trading cards nonetheless unveil the absurdity of the claims of historians like Patrick French (2009) and Melvyn Goldstein (2009) that the Tibetan flag was simply a regimental banner and later promoted as a national flag by Tibetans in exile. While the proliferation of nations was a defining feature of the 20th century, since much of the world was struggling for national recognition, Tibet’s national symbol, had long been recognized. Only after the colonization of Tibet, would this historical fact be distorted by revisionist historians and writers.

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Far from being an exhaustive study of Tibetan flag cards, this article explores one example of the flag's international popularity. It is our hope more research will be done on this subject. Additional information on the cards mentioned can be found here:

1. Goldstein, Melvyn C.; Jiao, Ben and Tanzen Lhundrup. On the Cultural Revolution in Tibet: The Nyemo Incident of 1969. University of California Press. 2009. p. 209.

2. French, Patrick, Tibet, Tibet. Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group, 2009. p14-15.

3.  Norbu, Jamyang, Independent Tibet, The Facts. 3rd ed. High Asis Press, March 2011. p. 3.

4. Crane, Ben, A Brief History of Trade Cards, The Trade Card Place, n.d. Web. 26 Feb. 2015.

5.  "It's on the Cards." Card History. The London Cigarette Card Company, n.d. Web. 26 Feb. 2015.

6. Ibid.

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Cartoon of the Day

posted Mar 22, 2015, 4:40 PM by The Tibetan Political Review   [ updated Mar 22, 2015, 4:44 PM ]

- by Tendor

(Click cartoon to enlarge)

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Why Tibetans were divided on the March 10th Tibetan Uprising Day

posted Mar 21, 2015, 1:24 PM by The Tibetan Political Review   [ updated Mar 21, 2015, 1:31 PM ]

By Choenyi Woser | March 21, 2015

The author is a reporter at Tibet Express based in Dharamsala, India; the views expressed in this piece are those of the author's.

Translated from the original text in Tibetan language by Lobsang.

Following China’s invasion of Tibet, China forced Tibetans to sign the seventeen point agreement under duress.  When China violated its own forced agreement to implement destructive campaign in Tibet, Tibetan people ultimately came out on the streets of Lhasa on March 10th protesting Chinese invasion calling for Tibet’s Independence and long life of His Holiness 14th Dalai Lama.

Unfortunately on the 56th Tibetan National Uprising day, instead of paying homage to the sacrifices made by our martyrs, a few individuals have tried to ban the Free Tibet slogans and alienate those calling for Tibet’s Independence in New York, USA.

Who were the organizers of the March 10th Demonstrations in New York?

The organizers of the March 10th demonstrations in New York were Tibetan Community New York and New Jersey (TCNYNJ), Regional Tibet Youth Congress New York and New Jersey (RTYCNYNJ), Regional Tibetan Women’s Association (RTWA) and Regional Chushi Gangdruk Association.

Since the Tibetan Community New York/New Jersey (TCNYNJ) is an organization formed for the welfare of the Tibetans living in New York, devoid of any ideological affiliations, if this organization turns itself into a specific political ideology-driven organization that exhibits intolerance to difference in opinion and starts excluding people supporting Tibetan independence, then the community members need to reflect on its founding objectives.  Individuals mainly responsible for ostracizing those protestors shouting slogans calling for “Free Tibet” were Sonam Gyaltsen, President of TCNYNJ, Thinley Kelsang, Vice President TCNYNJ, and Ngawang Palden, President of RTYCNYNJ.  I hope that the act of ostracization was a personal initiative of these three leaders, and does not reflect the official policy of the organizations that these people were representing.  The intention behind forcibly pushing aside those carrying “Free Tibet” banner was clearly to bring division in our community rather than bringing everyone together.

Since the founding of the Tibetan Youth Congress the crucial goal of the organization has been to struggle for Tibet’s Independence, and with time, the organization has gained much respect from the Tibetan Government-in-Exile as well as the Tibetan People.  However, few former and current executive members of RTYC New York and New Jersey, while still in their official capacity have spoken out against TYC’s political stand.  It clearly shows that their intention is none other than to disrupt the organization. If they did not agree with TYC’s political stand, they were free to step down from their official position and join Tibetan People’s Movement for Middle Way which already exists.

The original image of Sangay Dolma with “Tibet is an indepenpent county” written on her left hand.

Tibetan Women’s Association was initially founded to rebuild the nation but in recent time it has fallen under directives of few influential individuals in exile.  By doing so, TWA has proved that they lack the capacity to take a firm stand on any ideology, and work towards it.  Therefore it would be difficult for any Tibetan woman advocating for Tibet’s independence to be a part of the organization.  When RTWA New York commemorated March 12th Tibetan Women’s Uprising, they should have paid tribute to the sacrifices made by the Tibetan women in 1959 uprising.  But shockingly enough, at the commemoration, RTWA carried an edited and altered image of Sangay Dolma, a Tibetan woman who self-immolated in Tibet against China’s occupation.  The original image of Sangay Dolma, taken before she set herself on fire and received by the Tibetan exile community after her self-immolation protest, features “Independence for Tibet” written on her hand.  At the March 12th commemoration, RTWA New York displayed the cropped image of Sangay Dolma without her message of Independence.  This was not a mistake as Central Tibetan Women Association in their newsletter ‘Voice’ published the cropped image of Sangay Dolma.  Such an act of manipulation is nothing but a dishonor to the brave sacrifices made by Tibetan women inside Tibet.

Members of RTWA displaying cropped image of Sangay Dolma without her message.

Though Chushi Gangdruk was formerly a voluntary resistance army led by Andruk Gonpo Tashi to counter the Chinese military invasion, this once fierce resistance army has become a Khampa Welfare Association in exile due to various reasons.  As a result, they are unable to carry the legacies and aspirations of the brave soldiers of the resistance army.  In recent years, this association faced division among themselves and key leaders of Chushi Gangduk faced lots of challenges within the community.  To avoid such problems, they had to affiliate to various political scenarios in exile resulting in subjugation of their authority.  Does the decision of New York Regional Chushi Gangdruk reflect the fear of what happened in the past or did they fail to take a firm stand.  If Chushi Gangdruk becomes an organization that bans the call for Tibet’s Independence, it is a gross disrespect to the sacrifices of their martyrs.

Why do we Commemorate March 10?

Commemoration of March 10 is not a platform to strive for Independence, let alone seeking Genuine Autonomy for Tibet.  The day is not to create division among ourselves but to collectively remember the uprising in 1959 against Chinese invasion and the demands of those Tibetans who took part in it.  Having received permission from the American government to hold the rally and being entitled to the right to protest, how can we divide the Tibetan community and decide who can participate in protests, and who cannot?

Neither shouting slogans of “Free Tibet” on March 10th would threaten China nor will banning the slogan receive a pat on the back from Beijing either.  But by censoring “Free Tibet” slogans, it is highly possible that the world will start believing China’s claim that “there has never been a problem in Tibet”.  Most importantly, Middle Way Policy is a middle point between independence and complete subjugation.  By removing calls for Independence, we remove the basis for Middle Way.

Since the occupation of Tibet, Chinese government has implemented many repressive policies in Tibet.  In the name of economic development, Tibetans have been segregated and divided across various parts and many more such policies are being planned to completely eradicate the unique identity of the Tibetans.  Therefore it’s very important for our movement in the long run not to project the call for Independence as hindrance among our younger generation.

Goals of March 10th Tibetan National Uprising Day

The organizers of the March 10th rally in New York have time and again stressed on the importance of following His Holiness’ wishes and the Central Tibetan Administration’s policies.  Is it the wish of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, and CTA’s guidelines not to allow those who call for Tibet Independence in the march?  Who are they trying to blacklist, and whose purpose does it serve?

Few Tibetan politicians in exile, for whom it has become a ritual to make statements maligning others, are saying it wasn’t done in the right spirit.  However, those who call for Independence are not a minority, and in New York, there were many people who came out shouting “Free Tibet”.  It would also be wrong to think those people who were not displaying Tibet Independence banner were against those who were calling for Independence.

These days, few Tibetans pretending to represent His Holiness and CTA, undermine the Tibetan Freedom Movement by criticizing those who advocate for Tibetan independence.  Thinley Kelsang, Vice President of TCNYNJ, who was involved in dismantling RTYC New York during his Presidency, has accused Students for a Free Tibet’s 2008 campaigns for its “negative impact” on the Tibetan movement.  He even criticized Tibetans inside Tibet who took down Chinese flag and raised the Tibetan flag in 2008 uprising against Chinese oppression.  Such accusations not only serve Chinese claims but also have negative impact on our movement.

Even the Tibetan Education Minister, Ngodup Tsering who was present at the March 10th event in New York, didn’t bother to investigate the incident thoroughly and presented only one-sided information which was reported to him by the organizers in his clarification at the ongoing Tibetan Parliament session.  [See video at approx. 43:00]  From his seemingly cautious explanation, it appears as if CTA has endorsed such actions.  It is very unfortunate if these actions, which create division in the Tibetan community, are being promoted by our own administration in Dharamsala.

Such actions by key community leaders not only cause conflict and division but will also discourage people from taking part in future Tibet campaigns.  As a result we have no right to criticize people for losing their passion and not taking part in the movement.  Generally, in a democracy, while we go with the decision of the majority, the minority has the right to express their dissatisfaction.  Where can we find a democracy where the decisions of one or two people are being followed without question?

Dhardon Sharling, Member of Parliament had said in the Parliament, “If few individuals use the Middle Way Policy as a platform for their personal political agenda, the real objective and purpose of the Middle Way Policy will be lost.”  If this keeps on going, a day might come when it will be hard to find a single person who truly holds the authentic demand of Genuine Autonomy.  (Dhardon Sharling is a Middle-Way supporter, and Human Rights and Democracy activist).

Students for a Free Tibet, which was initially started as a Tibet support organization by Tibetans and non-Tibetans together, was compelled to step down from the organizing Committee of the New York March 10th event.  This organization, which has members of different nationalities along with many young Tibetans, has become a strong campaign group in Tibet Freedom movement.  But I still think signing of the initial agreement on the March 10th demonstrations by leaders of SFT New York with the organizers was mistake from their side.  By misusing His Holiness Dalai Lama’s name, in recent years, some people in the Tibetan community in exile have found a way to criticize and render ineffective Tibetan Youth Congress and a few individuals; I suspect their target has now shifted to Students for a Free Tibet.

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A Tibetan Feminist's Response to Adele Wilde-Blavatsky

posted Mar 20, 2015, 5:05 PM by The Tibetan Political Review

By Tsechi Chuzom

[In response to "Conflict at US-Tibetan Exile Event Symptom of Widening Rift" , published at Huffington Post]

According to this “author,” I, Tsechi Chuzom, child of Tibetan refugees who fled Tibet during the communist Chinese invasion, president/board member of SFT MHC & Lakeside for multiple years, cannot “understand” or “speak on the behalf of Tibetans in Tibet” (don’t worry, I’ve been there and still don’t claim to do so).  But somehow she, Adele Wilde-Blavatsky, whiter than crack,* has the moral and cultural authority to say that we in the US Tibet movement advocate “a particular pseudo-intellectual, Occidentalist, hyper-nationalist brand of identity politics” that is bad for Tibetans in Tibet.

I know this is just an insecure troll, and I don’t like dignifying her accusations and embittered rants with a response, but I also cringe at the thought that others might read this or her other “writings” on Tibetan culture and society, thinking it is an accurate or fair portrayal of the Tibetan diaspora.

She holds onto the notion that living in Dharamsala and choosing to study Tibetan Buddhism and language gives her credibility in determining all things Tibetan.  What she fails to understand is that whether or not I identify as Tibetan isn’t so clear a choice for me as it is for her.  It’s very easy to sit back and criticize a community to which you are not fundamentally attached.  Unlike her, I don’t have the privilege of deciding one day that I don’t want to care about Tibetan issues anymore because they are not necessarily mine to care about.  Being Tibetan is a fundamental part of who I am.  When there is criticism, I and my fellow Tibetans bear the burden of resolving those issues; she chooses whether to be affected or offended by it or not.  Being a self-proclaimed “Tibet supporter” does not automatically give you the cultural context and authority to constructively– and respectfully– criticize our community and cultural heritage.

God forbid the Tibetan community make any mistakes.  In her article, she argues that any Tibetan who does not “present a Shangri-la version of Tibetan society… is demonised and isolated.”  Yet, she seems to hold us to that very same impossible Shangri-la standard that she is so eager to denounce.  Of course Tibetans are going to be hostile when an outsider is speaking half-truths and taking a verbal dump on our culture.  While I admit Tibetans, especially our elders, are fairly conservative and unresponsive to criticism, this is an understandable result of losing one’s own country and having one’s traditions completely ripped apart.

What we Tibetans are witnessing is the active cultural desecration and dilution of our ancestral homeland and way of life.  It is comprehensible that some hold onto the very justified fear of cultural extinction, which may translate into what is perceived to be a certain strain of xenophobia and/or conservatism.  I am not saying this is okay, but at the same time, this reaction is not unique to Tibetan society.  Are we not allowed to work within our own community to resolve our issues on our own terms?

I don’t claim to have a clearcut solution.  All I know is, I will not chastise nor distance myself from my community simply because certain aspects are seemingly flawed or imperfect; I will recognize the responsibility and privilege I have as a Tibetan to try to work through these issues for the greater good of our people.  And most importantly, I will always choose to be a positive force in whatever I endeavor.

*Is crack even white? No disrespect to white people– much love to my white friends!

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SFT's statement regarding March 10 in New York

posted Mar 20, 2015, 4:55 PM by The Tibetan Political Review

March 20, 2015

All of us at Students for a Free Tibet (SFT) were inspired by the global display of solidarity for the Tibetan freedom struggle shown on the 56th commemoration of the Tibetan National Uprising Day on March 10th. The European rally in Paris, together with events in dozens of cities across the world, demonstrated that international support for the Tibetan people’s fundamental right to freedom is alive and strong. 

Unfortunately, there were some problems in New York and, given the confusion created by this issue, we would like to clarify SFT’s involvement. What follows is a brief timeline of the major agreements and decisions in the lead up to March 10:

  • 01/12/15 - SFT and all members of the organizing committee agreed to work together in a spirit of unity, and to focus the March 10th spotlight on the situation inside Tibet. Based on this consensus, SFT signed a working agreement that would do the following three things: 
  1. Reserve a special guest speaker spot for a representative of the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA); 
  2. Have the Tibetan Community of New York & New Jersey take the lead on facilitating the March 10th planning; and 
  3. See all messaging for placards, slogans and speakers decided amongst the six organizations.
  • 01/16/15 - It was made clear to SFT that the four Tibetan community organizations wanted to promote the goal of Genuine Autonomy for Tibet, to the exclusion of all other political stands and voices. SFT proposed alternative options for March 10th that would accommodate all pro-Tibetan voices.
  • 01/16/15 - The two speakers SFT and U.S. Tibet Committee (USTC) submitted for consideration were Tenzin Dorjee (Tendor) and MP Dhardon Sharling. Tendor was rejected due to his belief in Rangzen. Dhardon Sharling was accepted.
  • 01/20/15 - SFT sent a letter to the organizing committee reiterating our emphasis on making the March 10 rally a more inclusive event. 
  • 01/22/15 - In an urgent meeting held between the six organizations, the four Tibetan community organizations remained unwilling to find a way to include all voices in March 10th. As a result, SFT had no option but to resign from the organizing committee, because we were not comfortable organizing an event that would promote censorship.
  • Upon SFT’s resignation, all executive members of the six organizations present at the meeting unanimously agreed that the 01/12/15 working agreement was no longer valid.
  • 01/27/15 -  SFT re-stated this in an email sent to the committee, saying that the “...representatives of all 6 organizations unanimously came into agreement that this decision to step down for this year made on January 22, 2015 nullifies the agreement signed on January 12, 2015.”
  • SFT and USTC were not present during any meeting where placard and slogan messaging was agreed upon.
  • SFT was not informed in advance of a general ban on slogans i.e. “Free Tibet”, “Rangzen” and “China out of Tibet” (i.e. from the public). These slogans were not banned at last year’s March 10th. This is why we were shocked when we were excluded and barricaded from the rally for carrying our banners this year. 

On March 12th we contacted all affected parties to ask for a meeting with the hope that we can resolve this issue as swiftly as possible. Our efforts to find a solution are fueled by our respect for the good work that the Tibetan Community of New York and New Jersey, the Regional Tibetan Women’s Association, the Regional Tibetan Youth Congress and Chushi Gangdruk have done in the past. 

Wherever possible, and certainly on March 10th, we believe Tibetans and supporters should work together in a spirit of cooperation because - ultimately - we are stronger when we are together. However, we should be careful not to mistake unity with uniformity. We hope and trust that in the future, for the sake of Tibetans inside Tibet, our community will continue to promote and enable a dynamic and inclusive global movement. 

SFT remains committed to doing everything in our power to help end China’s colonial occupation of Tibet and oppression of the Tibetan people. We are working towards a vision where His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama is reunited with the Tibetan people in a free Tibet. 


Tenzin Dolkar

Executive Director

Students for a Free Tibet International

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TNC Statement on the events in New York and Dharamsala on March 10

posted Mar 16, 2015, 5:49 PM by The Tibetan Political Review

By Tibetan National Congress
March 13, 2015

The Tibetan National Congress (TNC) is deeply distressed by the divisiveness that has erupted at two of this year's March 10 commemorations. This is a solemn day when all Tibetans should be commemorating the sacrifices and bravery of our countrymen and countrywomen in 1959. Instead, the meaning of this day was overshadowed by unseemly actions and internal squabbles.

Now is not the time to point fingers, or to cast blame as to what happened. There has been more than enough of that. Now is the time to rise beyond this and above this.

Now is the time to rededicate ourselves to the goals which unite all Tibetans: restoring freedom for our homeland, and reuniting our fellow Tibetans inside Tibet with His Holiness the Dalai Lama.

What unites us all as Tibetans — like these goals and the very blood that flows in our veins — is far more significant and substantial than any policy disagreement we may have among ourselves. We can and should accept diversity of opinion in our society, while still remembering that we are one society. And let us be clear: the whole "Rangzen v. Umey Lam" issue is basically a debate about strategy and interpretation. It is an important debate, and one which rightly generates strong opinions, but ultimately it is about strategy toward the collective goal of freedom. How can we let this divide us, when we are united in goals and loyalty and blood?

There has already been some constructive discussion after the events of this March 10. TNC welcomes this conversation, and pledges to do our part to advance it.

Therefore TNC solemnly declares its firm belief that what really matters is loyalty to Tibet, and to His Holiness the Dalai Lama as the embodiment of the nation, not support for one or the other strategy or interpretation. TNC invites the elected leadership of the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA) to join us in this declaration.

We also invite the CTA to engage with TNC and with other members of Tibetan civil society, in an open and constructive discussion about how we can collectively ensure that unity is strengthened in Tibetan society. We believe this is a vital conversation to have now. We offer any participation or assistance we are able to provide to the legitimate elected representatives of the Tibetan nation, anytime and anywhere. We believe the time has come for some honest dialogue and action.

Lastly, as a new political party, TNC pledges to the Tibetan people that, when we participate in Tibetan elections, we will do so with the motivations of patriotism, unity, and dedication to the entire Tibetan people.

Throughout the course of Tibet's long history, our people have successfully maintained their unity in the face of many threats, both foreign and domestic. If our people triumphed over Tang Dynasty China, and refuse to be subdued by a half-century of brutal Communist Chinese occupation, then surely we can face up to an internal debate. We owe this to our ancestors, to our sisters and brothers in occupied Tibet, and to our children. Together, the Tibetan people stand united, and will one day do so again in a free Tibet.

Long live His Holiness the Dalai Lama!
Bhod Gyalo!

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Time for unity, not division, says Kalon Gyari Dolma at Tibetan women's uprising anniversary

posted Mar 16, 2015, 5:39 PM by The Tibetan Political Review

Phayul [Thursday, March 12, 2015 22:43]

Gyari Dolma speaks at TWA led Tibetan Women's Uprising commemoration, March 12, 2015, Phayul Photo: Kunsang Gashon
Gyari Dolma speaks at TWA led Tibetan Women's Uprising commemoration, March 12, 2015, Phayul Photo: Kunsang Gashon

Speaking at the gathering, Dolma said it is not a time for the different NGOs to be divisive but united in Tibetan struggle. “The reason why I thanked the representatives of the various Non Governmental Organizations was that I heard a very disheartening news. We must be able to tolerate both positive and negative things. So to briefly speak about it here on this platform, the right to commemorate March 10th uprising anniversary belongs to the entire people of the three provinces of Tibet. So we must collectively respect the significance and meaning irrespective of what your personal opinions are and work together.”

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There is no middle without the ends

posted Mar 15, 2015, 5:48 PM by The Tibetan Political Review

By Tenzin Gelek

There is little doubt that what happened in NY on March 10 2015 was unpleasant to witness and certainly condemnable. But whatever be the immediate cause of that incident and however we try to justify it, I take consolation in the fact that it brought some deeply dissenting issues to the surface.  This is the beauty of democracy and the function of free society; that there is a perpetual friction caused by differing views, which then lends space for dialogue and discussion.  Although, like many others, I would have preferred that this heated debate took place in the halls of the Tibetan Parliament in Exile rather than the streets of New York.  But it happened and we need to deal with it instead of sweeping it under the rug. 

 Without going into the details of what happened or who caused it, when I analyze this incident, I see two underlying issues – the divide between the advocates of Middle-way and Rangzen leading to the somewhat ostracization of the latter and the definition of March 10 in the light of this divide going forward.  Before I elaborate my views on these, let me unequivocally state, so as to remove any indication of bias, that I support the Middle-way and have done so since its inception.  In my recent past, I have involved myself in some activities that aim to advance the cause of Middle Way.  

One such event was a discussion with Chinese students and one of the key speakers was Sikyong Lobsang Sangay la.  At the time, he was speaking in his capacity as a Harvard legal scholar and therefore, I will refer to him as Dr. Lobsang Sangay la in this account.  He was presenting the legal view on the case for Tibetan Independence.  At the end of the talk, I recollect a Chinese student walking up to him and asking him and I am paraphrasing, “This conference is about dialogue and understanding and yet in your presentation, you talk about Tibetan Independence?”.  To which, Dr. Lobsang Sangay la responded, “It is important to remember what the Tibetan people have the right to and only then will there be substantial dialogue.”  Of course, I am recollecting this from a distant memory and I may have taken some literary liberties with it.  However, the content is relevant to the discussion of the aforementioned issues.

The next generation of Tibetan and Chinese population needs to be reminded.  And most of all, the Chinese government needs to be reminded.  No other day is as symbolic as March 10 to serve as that reminder. It is an important landmark in the history of Tibetan people’s struggle.  If we look at the events leading to M10, there is no doubt that there was a deep resentment against the Chinese policies in Tibet and a fierce longing for freedom from the oppressive rule.  As far as I can see, both the conditions still exist today. 

The watershed moment on March 10, 1959 when thousands of Tibetans surrounded the Norbulingka Palace to protect His Holiness the Dalai Lama is also important to remember.  For the Tibetan people, His Holiness is not just a religious leader but our idea of Freedom, Nation and Identity is intertwined with him. This also remains true even today.  Since the conditions that led to M10 still exists, our collective voice should also resonate with the deafening cries heard on the streets of Lhasa.  And I believe that M10 should be commemorated with same fervor as that fateful day in Lhasa.

With regards to the issue of MW v/s Rangzen, I think that this is an unnecessary divide created only due to our limited perception and the lack of political imagination.  Let me try to articulate the reasoning for both the voices to co-exist in our community.  The Middle-way is a practical solution proposed to the ongoing conflict between the Tibetan administration representing the Tibetan people and the Chinese government. In the most simplistic form, it is aimed at striking a balance between the Chinese government’s current policies of reckless assimilation of Tibetans and the state-sponsored sinicization of Tibet and the Tibetan people’s claim for an Independent Tibet.  I am of the opinion that until both the parties meet in the middle and that agreement is ratified, we should not give up our hand just yet.  For the Middle-way to make sense and for it have any weight at the negotiation table, the Rangzen faction has to exist.  The Chinese government has to be reminded of the stake they have in the Middle-way being successful.  As such, it behooves us not shut out the Rangzen supporters for that reason and many others – namely – Freedom of speech, choice etc guaranteed under a democratic establishment.

Having said that, I do want to speak to my own rationale to support the Middle-way policy and it has nothing to do with my devotion to His Holiness.  Well, that is partly untrue because my undying devotion and faith stems from witnessing in person the relentless hard work of the Great 14th Dalai Lama.  And that being in the center of everything related to Tibet for over 60 years and having dealt with all the Chinese leaders from Mao to Xi, and countless heads of states have accorded His Holiness with the breadth of political and diplomatic experience that should be respected.    But for this discussion, I do want to separate the Middle-way policy from His Holiness and examine it purely on its own merits.

I am a pragmatist and the current situation inside Tibet, the geopolitical and the economic reality of the world compel me to compromise and prioritize.  If the circumstances were different, we can of course revisit this discussion, but based on the current realities, it is hard to entertain this romanticized notion of Independence.  In my mind, there are two Tibets that need to be freed– a Tibet of the hearts and minds consisting of the Tibetan language, religion, culture and customs.  And another, a landlocked geographical region that is nestled between China and India.  The former is able to survive without the latter, as is evident from the Tibetan diaspora but the latter is irrelevant without the former.

In a perfect world, both the Tibets converge into an Independent Tibet.  However, in the real world, we all know that the first Tibet is under persistent threat and it is this Tibet that the Middle-way strives to protect and preserve.  It is this Tibet that is not only important to us Tibetans but crucial for millions of Chinese seeking spiritual solace and for the world in general.  This is why I support the Middle-way, not because I want to sell-out Independence; not because I want to kowtow to the Chinese communist regime.  But because I am a pragmatist who recognizes that we live in a globalized, interdependent world where peaceful co-existence is paramount.

In conclusion, I know that my fellow Tibetans who support Rangzen will not agree with some of what I have said but please know that these words come from the same place as yours – a deep love for Tibet and a categorical opposition to the present situation in Tibet.  The Middle-way is a policy adopted by our democratic parliament to provide a diplomatic solution to what is a deadlock currently.  Rangzen, at present, is an aspirational concept but if you could lay out in detail the vision, the strategy, the tactical approach and what the future of an Independent Tibet would look like in the face of a Nuclear China, please publish those.  I cannot guarantee that I will change my mind but I will absolutely read it and debate its merits with you.  For I am willing to risk offending the empty chairs across the negotiation table than to face the dangers of a divided movement.

The author is a concerned Tibetan professional living in the San Francisco Bay Area.

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